Donald Trump’s Terrible Executive Order on Health Care
President Donald Trump is now trying to break the health-care system all
by himself, although he has more help than he might acknowledge. On
Thursday, Trump launched an assault on Obamacare from two angles. First,
the White House staged a signing ceremony for an executive order
designed to push people into what are known, accurately, as “junk”
insurance plans—the kind, common before the passage of the Affordable
Care Act, that never seem to cover people when they are actually sick
and that extort and abandon those with preëxisting conditions. Trump, in his
remarks at the ceremony, referred to this choice as “fleeing the failing
Obamacare plans.” And then, a few hours later, he did more to make
Obamacare fail, by saying that he would withhold the cost-sharing
subsidies that the government currently pays insurance companies in
order to reduce deductibles and co-pays for many low-income people.
Companies will undoubtedly respond by leaving the Obamacare exchanges,
where such plans are now sold. Both moves had one thing in common: they
recklessly target vulnerable Americans. But in doing so, they will, as
with so many of Trump’s moves, increase risks for everyone.
Although Trump used the executive-order signing to goad his fellow
Republicans—“We’re going to also pressure Congress very strongly to
finish the repeal and the replace”—they did much to make this day
possible. Trump claimed that he had no choice but to defund the
subsidies because paying them went against the will of Congress. This is
the argument in a lawsuit, instigated by House Republicans, that is
making its way through the federal courts. Basically, those Republicans
argue that, although the plain language of the A.C.A. describes and
authorizes the payment of subsidies, Congress should be allowed to vote
on actually releasing the money every year. In effect, Congress promised
the money when it passed the A.C.A., but now it wants the right to hold
that money hostage on a regular basis. The case relies on a highly
technical reading of the legislative fine print; nevertheless, the
congressional challengers won a round in the lower courts, though that
had been stayed pending an appeal—one that, on Thursday, the Trump
Administration apparently decided to drop. (Attorney General Jeff
Sessions had earlier said that he agreed with the House Republicans.) More than
that, it is, at best, a technical ambiguity that any congressional
majority interested in something other than utter chaos in the insurance
markets could easily fix. Such a majority does not exist right now.
Indeed, the opposite is the case: the false stories that congressional
Republicans drew of Obamacare—a system that, whatever its flaws, has
increased the number of Americans with insurance by some twenty million,
and made that coverage more reliable for many times that number— fed
partisan demands for Trump to savage it. The Republican Party made a
destructive promise that Trump, as its candidate, has been eager to
keep. It may be the only thing that the Party can rely on him for, and,
although some individual Republicans, such as Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, of
Florida—who, not incidentally, is retiring at the end of this
term—worried about the effect on their constituents, Party leaders were
quick with their gratitude. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell
tweeted, “As #obamacare continues to fail Americans, I’m pleased @POTUS
is promoting affordable policies to better meet the needs of families.”
And the Speaker of the House, Paul Ryan, said that Trump’s decision to end
cost-sharing subsidies was a “monumental affirmation of Congress’s
authority.” That may seem like an odd way to describe a move that was
also framed as a response to Congress’s failure to repeal the A.C.A., and
which was a flanking attempt to undermine a major piece of legislation. But,
as a shorthand for the affirmation of the congressional Republicans’
ideological authority, it was not far wrong.
These two moves are not the only sabotage attempts that the Trump
Administration has been engaged in. It has rewritten rules to allow
plans to stop covering many forms of birth control. It has made
disabling cuts to programs that help people sign up for Obamacare, and
made enrollment, across the board, harder—more of a labyrinth.
Information about plans that people might be able to afford has been,
effectively, hidden. Perhaps this is, finally, an example of Trump
bringing his business expertise to Washington: the knowledge that bad
marketing can cripple a good project.
But the most Trumpian aspect of the executive order is that it makes
life easier for con men. It does so by allowing the sale of insurance
plans that do not meet basic standards through “associations,” which
might be made up of employers, interest groups, or just entrepreneurial
opportunists—the exact rules still have to be written. Obamacare plans
offer certain defined essential services, such as preventive and
obstetric care and hospitalization, that an insurance plan has to cover,
and cover substantially, to call itself an insurance plan. In other
words, the A.C.A. made it harder for employers or insurers to claim that
they were covering people if, when it counted, they really weren’t.
(Such a bait and switch was common in the pre-Obamacare days; many
people who went bankrupt after a medical emergency actually had
insurance plans.) The executive order would create a sham market
alongside the real one. One concern is that young, healthy people will
be drawn to association plans because they don’t “need” comprehensive
coverage, and are making what they believe is a rational calculation,
albeit one that will drive up premiums in the Obamacare market, by
making that pool of people, on average, sicker and older. (Paul Ryan,
who has complained that it is unfair that healthy people help pay for
sick people—the premise of insurance—is an association-plan enthusiast.)
But health-care needs have a way of changing quickly—we might each be
separated from one category or the other by a single accident,
diagnosis, or pregnancy. And some people and businesses won’t so much be
making a choice as settling for what that they can afford in the short
term: the plan, good or not, with the lowest sticker price. And, again
depending on the specific rules that the Administration comes up with,
people with preëxisting conditions will likely be more exposed to rate
hikes—indeed, their co-workers might be, too, since an association would
be able to set higher rates for a single business with a large number of
people regarded as risks, whether because they are older or more likely
to have children. (This means that, as a bonus, the executive order may
encourage employment discrimination.) Another disorienting aspect is
that an association would be able to sell its plans across state lines,
in a way that would disregard the insurance regulations in the state in
which the insured person lives. This would set up, effectively, a
cross-country race to the bottom.
Another aspect of the executive order that is a setup for an insurance
con is its expanded definition of “temporary” plans. Basically, these
are policies, exempt from many regulations (someone can be dropped upon
becoming sick, for example, or denied coverage for preëxisting
conditions) that are designed for people who are between other
plans—perhaps because of a job change—to buy in a pinch. But they also
represent a loophole, which the Obama Administration tried to close, by
defining “temporary” as no more than three months. Trump’s order
extends it to a year. This is in keeping with an economy in which every
little foothold that working families have seems temporary—it helps to make
flimsiness a permanent state.
In presenting the plan at the executive-order signing, Trump did his
best impression of a flim-flam man—that is to say, he was entirely in
character. The guests included members of his Administration, some
small-business representatives, and Senator Rand Paul, who believed that
the Senate’s last attempt to break Obamacare was not radical enough.
Trump didn’t have many details other than the promise that a “nightmare”
was over, that millions of people would be “very happy,” and that the
whole thing would produce better plans at no expense whatsoever to the
government. “That’s not too bad, right?” he said.
As Trump started to walk out of the room, though, Vice-President Mike
Pence suddenly looked anxious. He hurried after his departing boss with
an outstretched arm. “Mr. President, you need to sign it!” Pence said.
“Oh,” Trump said, to laughter, and then added, “I’m only signing it
because it costs nothing.” Not for him, maybe, unless our political
marketplace comes up with some way to measure the cost, to a President
and his Party, of presiding over a disaster.
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